In the summer of 2011,
as President Obama’s $4
trillion ‘grand bargain’ with Speaker Boehner fell apart,
the now-discredited Budget
Control Act (BCA) was adopted on a bipartisan vote to avoid an immediate economic default. It was
assumed that the sequestration portion of the Act
which proposed mandatory cuts
to military and domestic programs were so egregious
that those reductions would never be allowed to occur. The fact that Congress and the Administration
were willing to take that gamble raises the inevitable question of whether the existing
political structure is competent to run the country –
especially in times of crisis.
Politically
incoherent from the outset, the BCA which contained almost $1
trillion across-the-board cuts, brought the debt
ceiling crisis to a conclusion while establishing a Joint
Select Committee on Deficit Reduction (aka Super Committee)
with twelve equally apportioned members of Congress. If
the forced negotiations failed to achieve a consensus on an additional $1.5
trillion cuts and increased tax revenue, then the BCA allowed a mandatory
trigger of that amount to occur over the next ten years. Of course, the Super
Committee was doomed from the start – why would a dozen
members of Congress willingly commit
political suicide by assuming total
responsibility for determining the
economic future of world’s number one
super-power.
As the bipartisan finger-pointing and blame game
continues, it is important to acknowledge that an enforced budget-cutting
mechanism dubbed ‘sequestration’ originated with the Gramm
Rudman Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Reduction Act
of 1985. At that time, Rudman referred
to sequestration as ‘a bad idea whose time had come.” Whether its current incarnation came from Jack
Lew,
current Treasury Secretary or Gene
Sperling, White House Economic Council Director as Bob Woodward cites in Politics of Power (pg. 215) remains open to speculation.
Once the politically-generated
‘fiscal
cliff’ stalled in January with modestly raised tax
revenues while cutting unemployment benefits , the first
sequestration $85 billion budget cut (coincidentally the
same amount that the Fed
Bank distributes monthly to the banks) kicked in on
March 1st despite a White
House list of potentially horrendous cuts to education,
transit, health care, housing, infrastructure projects and other essential
people programs.
Meanwhile, as
Republicans sputter in protest over a $45
billion cut to Pentagon spending which represents
only a softening of the edges, there is every reason to believe that the
reduction will be watered
down in the name
of ‘national security’ in the next
Continuing Resolution. Since even
before the fiscal debacle of 2008, the tactic of Republicans to undermine
and destroy the credibility of the Federal
government, only to turn around and point to the result of their own actions as
proof of why there is a breakdown in the Federal government’s performance, has
proven to be shrewdly successful.
For their part, today’s
Democrats bear little resemblance to
past Democrats who constructed the country’s
once-sacrosanct social safety net. Erroneously
assuming Republicans
would resist any military cuts and be forced to
negotiate, the White House seriously misread the tea leaves as the party of
Thomas Jefferson backed themselves into a tight corner with little
room to maneuver.
At the February 12th Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on the potential impacts of sequestration on the Department of Defense with all five Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) in attendance, Committee Chair Carl Levin (D-Mich) opened the hearing with one example of ‘devastating’ sequestration impacts: the Army had requested $36.6 billion for 2013 but will only receive $30.6 billion (same as 2012 budget) with sequestration cutting an additional $6 billion. Levin went on to inform that since the Army has already spent $ 16 billion for 2013 with only $8 billion remaining for fiscal year 2013. With “unexpected high operational demands requiring $6 billion to be spent overseas,” left the Army with only $2 billion for domestic operations and maintenance for the next six months - which, Levin pointed out, was originally budgeted at $20 Million.
At the February 12th Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on the potential impacts of sequestration on the Department of Defense with all five Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) in attendance, Committee Chair Carl Levin (D-Mich) opened the hearing with one example of ‘devastating’ sequestration impacts: the Army had requested $36.6 billion for 2013 but will only receive $30.6 billion (same as 2012 budget) with sequestration cutting an additional $6 billion. Levin went on to inform that since the Army has already spent $ 16 billion for 2013 with only $8 billion remaining for fiscal year 2013. With “unexpected high operational demands requiring $6 billion to be spent overseas,” left the Army with only $2 billion for domestic operations and maintenance for the next six months - which, Levin pointed out, was originally budgeted at $20 Million.
As Committee members, regardless of political
affiliation, expressed their empathy with the military’s need to pull in its
belt for the first time in over thirty years, there was little evidence of a
vibrant two party system – until tea party favorite Sen. Mike
Lee of Utah had the last word. Citing
former Senator Chuck Hagel’s December 2012 Financial Times
interview, Hagel was asked about Defense
Secretary Leon Panetta’s quote that sequestration would be ‘disastrous’ to
national defense. Lee quoted Hagel as
stating that Defense “in many ways has been bloated”, “they have gotten
everything they wanted in the last ten years”, that the “waste and fraud has
been astounding” and that “they have taken priorities, taken dollars out of State
Department and other agencies and put them in Defense”.
In conclusion, Lee invited
each Joint Chief “down the line” to respond
whether they agreed with Hagel’s general characterization. After a few nervous twitters, only Ashton
Carter, deputy Secretary of Defense responded, woefully failing the straight
face test, citing Secretary Gates’ efficiency initiative to reform and improve
the acquisitions system, how management problems occurred when it was easy to
reach for more money to solve technical problems, that habits had accumulated
over decades and that “we have accommodated
a substantial budget adjustment relative to
a few years ago.”
In his first term, Lee, who has shown a populist streak on occasion, responded
that Carter’s answer appeared “inconsistent” since “Hagel’s statement was made
just recently - in December.”
No comments:
Post a Comment